Dragon’s long march

Ashok Mahapatra


China’s hegemonic ambitions are well-documented, and these continue for long. Notably, after gaining complete control of the mainland, the Communist Party of China (CPC) established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. The CPC forced Kuomintang (KMT) led by Chiang Kai-shek to Taiwan, then known as Formosa. At that time, Taiwan was under the governance of China, ruled by KMT as a part of a settlement following the surrender of Japan in 1945.

Expanding its territory as a part of the long-term strategy for global dominance has been an obsession for the CPC ever since it took power. Shortly after that, Xinjiang, then the short-lived Second East Turkestan Republic, surrendered to become a part of Communist nation. Both the PRC and KMT had always maintained that Tibet was a part of China. Hence the CPC made it a top priority to incorporate Tibet, Taiwan, Hainan Island, and the Pescadores Islands into the PRC peacefully or by force. This was followed by the so-called peaceful liberation of Tibet in 1950. The annexation of Xinjiang and the Tibetan plateau more than doubled the landmass of China.
However, the world let this go unnoticed as it was engrossed in rebuilding the global economy after the war. This allowed the CPC to keep proceeding slowly but steadily with its aim for long-term global dominance. The earlier governments of China had shown the boundary in Aksai Chin as per the Johnson Line. Nevertheless, during the 1950s, China built a road connecting Xinjiang and western Tibet which ran south of the Johnson Line through the Aksai Chin. India did not know of its existence until 1957. Hence, through the 1950s, China surreptitiously captured Aksai Chin and consolidated its position in the 1962 war.

Furthermore, Pakistan ceded a part of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir to China as appeasement as well as to ensure China’s support as an all-weather friend in its dealings with India. The CPC has been extremely smart at masking its duplicity during bilateral negotiations. Zhou Enlai (negotiator par excellence) led not only Nehru up the garden path, but also both Nixon and Kissinger while skilfully hiding the true intent of becoming the only dominant power on earth. The leaders that followed him continued to pursue the same line of action. The CPC famously considers goodness and fair play as sign of weakness and submission.

Following the United States-China rapprochement in 1972, there was a slight but significant change in tactics by the CPC to enforce China’s so-called historical rights. A more confident China occupied the Paracel Islands in 1974, the Johnson Reef in 1988, the Mischief Reef in 1995 and the Scarborough Shoal in 2012. Similar actions have been constantly taking place on the India-China border. These small actions, often referred to as “salami slicing”, do not really provoke or lead to war but over time lead to a strategic advantage to further China’s perceived historical rights. These tactics, rather than overt aggression, seriously limit options for the targeted countries by limiting their deterrence plans for proportionate and effective counteractions.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, and afraid of the sensitive Xinjiang region becoming a part of the Great Game, China displayed urgency in settling the border with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. The Chinese negotiation tactics employed were a blend of Chinese incentives with coercion. Even though on paper Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan seemed to come out as victors, China gained a bit of land, nixed the Uyghur issue, and pushed its economic agenda by making Xinjiang a pivotal link of reviving the erstwhile Silk Route to the West.

A different tactic was adopted for Russia’s Far East region; wherein weaker states are induced to let out agriculture and forestland to Chinese farmers. Border and river domains are thus being altered to suit China’s new interests. Furthermore, the CPC has employed a unique set of tactics in the economic and information domains that undermine many developing countries’ democratic institutions and future prosperity as their dependence on China grows. China has made huge investments in the Central Asian countries to make these nations financially vulnerable.

It is estimated Kyrgyzstan has borrowed almost 43 per cent of the country’s total external debt from the Chinese Exim Bank. Similarly, China has a very dominant role in Kazakhstan’s energy sector. A slightly different form of economic dominance was followed for countries in Africa and South East Asia. The net result, though, has been the same.

China has been claiming territory from 23 countries when it has land borders with only 14. This claim is based on what it calls ‘historical rights’. These ‘historical rights’ emanate from ancient and medieval Chinese eras when boundaries did not have the same sanctity as they have in today’s times of nation-states. If for a moment we agree with this Chinese claim, then what stops Mongolia from claiming China, which they had ruled under the Mongol Yuan dynasty. Wonder what Beijing’s reaction would be if Ulan Bator made this claim? China’s duplicity has never been truly appreciated by the civilised democratic world. Ever since the opening of their economy in 1970s, successive CPC leaderships have worked surreptitiously to make the world totally dependent by becoming their most-dominant supplier of cheap goods. The world was so seduced by the availability of cheap goods on shop shelves that they have been blindsided by China’s true intentions.

It is said that if we do not learn from history then we are doomed to repeat it. Germany, after its defeat in World War I, invoked nationalistic pride to reclaim the territories which had once been theirs. We know the price the world paid for this. We are once again faced with a similar situation. The question is, are we repeating the same mistakes? The civilised world needs to join hands and negate the CPC’s design to be the only dominant world power in the era of nation-states. Yes, an offensive would be initially difficult and painful. A bitter and distasteful medicine is often prescribed to cure a disease. We need to ensure that the legacy for our future generations of an orderly and peaceful world is secured.

In the words of exiled Chinese writer Liao Yiwu, “The West is so tolerant, passive, accommodating and naive towards Beijing. Westerners are seduced like an old man in front of a young girl. Europe shows all its weakness. It does not realise that the Chinese offensive threatens its freedom and values.” It is time the world joined hands to counter the Chinese hegemony and not allow history to repeat itself.

The writer is retired Director, Maritime Safety Division, International Maritime Organisation (United Nations).

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